The West and Others~~Western Civilization, Global Continuity & The 'Third' World~~
Photo; the Turf... a little bit of Heaven, Abraka, Delta State, Nigeria
The US is planning to consolidate its position in Africa with a new drone outpost in Niger, with the stated purpose of providing unarmed surveillance support to French efforts in Mali and keeping tabs on al-Qaeda elements on the continent. The robotic unmanned aircraft would likely be based in Niger, on the eastern border of Mali, where French forces are currently waging a campaign against Al-Qaeda, AFP reported, quoting an anonymous official.
If the plan is approved, up to 300 US military servicemembers and contractors could be sent to the base to operate the drone aircraft, the New York Times reported. US Africa Command is also considering another location as an alternative to the base in Burkina Faso, the official said. However, State Department spokesperson Victoria Nuland reiterated that there are no plans to commit US troops to any fighting on the ground.
In the future, the US command does not rule out using the base to conduct military strikes if the situation deteriorates or the extremist threat increases, military officials told The New York Times. In the meantime, the US military’s Africa Command is reviewing the options for the base with other countries in the region, including Burkina Faso.
The Africa Command’s scheme still needs the go-ahead from the Department of Defense, President Barack Obama and Niger. No final decision had been made, but a status-of-forces agreement has been reached between the two governments in Niger on Monday, providing legal protection to American troops in the African country.
“Niger has given the green light to accepting American surveillance drones on its soil to improve the collection of intelligence on Islamist movements,” Reuters quoted its source who asked not to be identified. If the drone base plan goes through, the facility could become home to as many as 300 American military and contractual personnel.
The United States so far has only one permanent base in Africa, in Djibouti. The drone base there is widely used for missions in nearby Yemen and allows access to Somalian and Sudanese airspace. A base in Niger would drastically shorten the response time to developing situations in the region. The ongoing discussions about the installation follow the French military intervention in Mali and the Algerian hostage crisis, which left at least 37 foreigners dead and highlighted the threat from al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb.
On Wednesday, outgoing US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton promised not to let northern Mali become a “safe haven” for extremists in the region as al-Qaeda-affiliated insurgents have become a “a very serious, ongoing threat.” Last week, Washington sent approximately 100 military trainers to nations that are prepared to, or have already deployed, troops to Mali – including Nigeria, Niger, Burkina Faso, Senegal, Togo and Ghana.
Nicolas Sarkozy and François Hollande use the French armies to pander to private or foreign interests. They sent men to their death to plunder Ivory Coast cocoa, Libya’s gold reserves, Syria’s gas, and Mali’s uranium.
The trust has been broken between the military chiefs and the soldiers who are in the army to defend the homeland. At the traditional New Year wishes ceremony, for fear that the military might shoot the President, the Elysée security service deactivated their weapons (Olivet military base, 9 January 2013). The military adventures of Nicolas Sarkozy and François Hollande in Afghanistan, Ivory Coast, Libya, Syria and now in Mali are hotly discussed in the French army. And the opposition they face is at a critical point. Some examples:
In 2008, when Nicolas Sarkozy had just changed the mission of the French soldiers in Afghanistan to become supplementary forces of the U.S. occupation, the Chief of Staff of the Army, General Bruno Cuche, refused to send in Leclerc tanks. The crisis was so profound that President Sarkozy took advantage of the first opportunity to force General Cuche to resign.
In 2011, it was Admiral Pierre-François Forissier’s turn. The Chief of Naval Staff had publicly expressed his doubts about the operation in Libya which, according to him, took the French forces away from their primary mission of defending the homeland. In 2012, General Jean Fleury, former Chief of Staff of the Air Force, was even more explicit in saying that France has neither the vocation nor the means to attack Syria.
Over the past five years, the senior officers-most often very observant Catholics- have become convinced that the power of the French army has been diverted by presidents Sarkozy and Hollande to serve private or foreign interests, U.S. and Israeli. This is confirmed by the very organization of recent external operations. Since 2010, most of them have escaped the command of Chief of Defence Staff, Admiral Edouard Guillaud, to accrue to the command of General Benedict Puga, from the Elysée. This paratrooper, a specialist of Special Operations and Intelligence, embodies both dependence on Israel and the revival of colonialism. It was he who oversaw, in Egypt, the construction of the steel wall to complete the closure of the Gaza Strip, turning it into a giant ghetto.
We know that Nicolas Sarkozy did not enjoy contact with the military. François Hollande, on his part, flees their company. Thus, when he went to Lebanon to urge President Michel Suleiman to support the secret war in Syria, on November 4, he did not see fit to greet the French contingent of UNIFIL. This affront is not attributable to disdain, but to Hollande’s his fear of coming into contact with them.
The crisis of confidence has reached a point where the security service of the Elysée fears a military attempt on the life of the President of the Republic. Thus, January 9, at the President’s address to the French armed forces, at the 12th regiment of Cuirassiers d’Orléans base, the Elysée required the neutralization of weapons. The firing pins of assault rifles and machine guns were removed, and pistols were also incapacitated. Ammunition was confiscated and stored in sealed bags. Such a measure had not been taken since the Algerian crisis, sixty years prior.
When François Hollande said: “The military community is a family, with the active units and reserves. I know the stability, solidarity and I also appreciate the sense of discipline, cohesion and even of discretion“, the behavior of his security services belied his words. The President is afraid of his armed forces. He distrusts his soldiers because he knows he cannot justify the missions he assigns to them.
This crisis will not fail to deepen if the president continues his commitment to extending covert operations to Algeria. Moreover, since the suspension of conscription and the professionalization of the armed forces, many recruits are drawn from Muslim families from Algeria. They will not fail to react emotionally to the rampant recolonization of their parents’ homeland.
The French Overseas Mining Bureau discovered uranium in Niger in the late 1950s. The uranium deposit is located in the piedmont plains. Two companies, Somaïr and Cominak, were established to operate the mines. Until now, only uranium deposits have only been mined in the Arlit region.
AREVA’s concession covers 360 square kilometers (140 square miles) and the group is planning a major exploration program and submitted 19 new permit applications in 2006. Uranium mining is a
significant share of Niger's income and it has been strategic for French nuclear policy since the beginning, because Niger uranium, unlike Australian or Canadian uranium for example, never had any peaceful end-use conditions attached and thus France was free to use it in its nuclear weapons program. Consequently, the issue is being dealt with on the highest government levels in both countries.
Somaïr (Société des Mines de l’Aïr)
Somair was established in 1968. AREVA owns 63.4% of the capital, with the government of Niger owning the remaining 36.6% through Onarem, the national mining resources agency. Somaïr has operated several mines near Arlit since 1971. The ore is processed in a 2,000 MT mill (5.2 million pounds of U3O8) at the site. Somaïr employs about 600 people.
Cominak (Compagnie Minière d’Akouta)
Cominak was established in 1974 and is operated by AREVA, which owns 34% of the company shares. Other shareholders are Onarem of Niger (31%), Ourd of Japan (25%), and Enusa Industrias Avanzadas S.A. of Spain (10%). Cominak has operated the two main
deposits of Akouta and Akola, near the town of Akokan, since 1978. The on-site mill has a capacity of 2,000 MT of uranium per year (5.2 million lbs of U308). Cominak employs about 1,100 people. In July 2006, AREVA received an exploration permit for Imouraren, 80 kilometers south of Arlit.
The permit includes an ore body, originally discovered in 1969, that AREVA has decided to restart now that market conditions are more favorable. One hundred people are currently employed at the site. In January 2009, AREVA and the Niger government signed a convention that grants AREVA to exploit the Imaouraren deposit. AREVA will hold 66.65% in a joint company that will produce about 5,000 MT of uranium per year. The initial investment is estimated to reach more than €1.2 billion and will be the largest industrial project ever carried out in the country.
AREVA considers that its uranium mines are "providing jobs, the companies offer health, social and educational services to the local populations of this isolated and economically deprived area". The French company stresses that "in all, AREVA is engaged in sustainable development actions in Niger planned over the next five years worth more than €6 million per year." The sum corresponds to 0.5%
of the estimated investment expenditure for the sole Imouraren project. A survey carried out by French independent laboratory CRIIRAD on behalf of Niger environmental
organization AGHIR IN'MAN between 2003 and 2005 identified that:
• Radioactive waste was stored closed to a public road for more than a month;
• Drinking water that exceeds WHO contamination limits;
• Contaminated metals that are available on a public market;
• Mining wastes that are stored for decades without cover.
Areva mines in Niger
AREVA is also facing a long-standing Tuareg rebellion in Northern Niger. A Tuareg leader told AFP in January 2008: "We are going to attack the uranium mines, including those of AREVA, to stop factories functioning, prevent the exploitation of new quarries, and seize the cargo that is en route to the sea". The Tuaregs demand "that parts of the profits of uranium mining are handed back to them, while Tuaregs regularly raise the issue of the ecological impact of these mining operations on the
health of local populations".
AREVA's Vice-President for Protection of Assets and Personnel, former Navy Admiral Thierry d'Arbonneau, has been quoted as stating that the French State would do better to supply the authorities of Niger with the means to put down the rebellion of the Tuareg. The Tuaregs have illustrated in the past that they can seriously threaten AREVA's mining operations in the country. In April 2007, the Tuaregs attacked one of the mines and Dominique Pin, head of AREVA's uranium mining in Niger, admitted that “the attack caused us to stop all our operations for almost a month.”
In July 2007, AREVA took over the uranium company Uramin. Production at the Trekkopje site in Namibia was expected to begin in 2009-2010. Development has begun of the Ryst Kuil project in South Africa and the Bakouma project in the Central African Republic.
1 – Power comes from a 6.5-litre diesel engine that’s fitted with a supercharger to help haul this beast around. Yet despite this mammoth power plant, the top speed is only 60mph and it takes around 15 seconds to reach this.
2 – It is based on a GM truck chassis and weighs a staggering 6,350kg. To put that in context, the Rolls-Royce Phantom, one of the biggest cars on the road, weighs a paltry 2,550kg in comparison. This will be why the Obamamobile only averages 8mpg.
3 – A lot of the weight comes from the Armour protection. The body is made up of steel, aluminum, titanium and ceramic.
4 – The glass is five-inches thick and only the windscreen opens, to allow the driver to talk to secret service running alongside or to pay a toll. It is also hermetically sealed to secure it from chemical attack.
5 – Should the worst happen, The Beast has its own oxygen supply.
6 – The military-grade Armour means the doors are eight-inches thick and weigh as much as a Boeing 747′s.
7 – The doors are so thick that the President can’t hear any outside noise, so speakers are built in to play the ambient sound of the crowd.
8 – The underside is reinforced with a Kevlar mat to protect Caddy One from bomb attacks.
9 – The fuel tank is leak proof and filled with special foam that prevents it from exploding, even in a direct hit.
10 – There are two holes in the front bumper that can emit tear gas and fire smoke grenades.
11 – There is also an infrared video system for the driver to drive through smoke and night vision cameras for driving in darkness without lights.
12 – Cadillac One normally flies two flags, the American flag and the Presidential Standard, which are lit up at night with LEDs. When the President is on a state visit, the Presidential Standard is replaced by the flag of the country he is visiting.
13 – The Beast has a firefighting system located in the boot.
14 – Also in the boot is a bank of the president’s blood that is carried at all times and when he goes out an ambulance always follows close behind.
15 – The President gets a presidential limo built to this specification every four years and the old ones are handed down to vice presidents and visiting heads of state.
16 – This one can seat seven, with two seats up front, three rear-facing ones in the middle, and two at the very back, one for the president and the other for a guest.
17 – Inside, a 10-disc CD player is among the features, as well as sophisticated electronic communications with direct phones to the White House and internal Internet.
18 – Defense systems include a pump-action shotgun in a compartment beside the driver.
19 – The tires are reinforced with Kevlar and can run when flat. If the tires are missing, the steel rims have been designed to allow the car to keep on driving at speed.
20 – Unlike previous presidential cars, Caddy One has no specific model name.
but it is known everywhere as Narcissist One.
Monday, January 14, 2013
Why The West Is Killing and Plundering in Africa: (Part Two) Oppenheimer and The De Beers Family of Companies
Nicky Oppenheimer
De Beers was established in 1888. It is the world’s leading diamond company, with unrivalled expertise in the exploration, mining and marketing of diamonds. 2011 was an exceptional year for De Beers with a 21 percent increase in EBITDA to US$1.7 billion (2010: US$1.4 billion), and free cash flow of US$734 million (2010: US$943 million). Strong DTC price growth of 29 percent from 1 January to 31 December 2011 drove their second highest level of sales ever (US$6.5 billion), a 27 percent increase over 2010 (US$5.08 billion). At the same time, De Beers’ third-party debt reduced to US$1.3 billion (December 2010: US$1.8 billion), and third-party gearing to 20.9 percent (December 2010: 29.5 percent).
De Beers Canada, a wholly-owned subsidiary of De Beers, operates Snap Lake Mine in the Northwest Territories and Victor Mine in northern Ontario, and has a targeted exploration strategy. Both mines opened in July 2008. De Beers Canada is also a
joint venture partner with Mountain Province Diamonds in the Gahcho Kué Project in the Northwest Territories, currently in the permitting phase.
De Beers Consolidated Mines (DBCM) has been an empowered South African company since 2006, with 26 percent owned by broad-based Black Economic Empowerment partner, Ponahalo Holdings. DBCM operates Venetia, Voorspoed and Kimberley diamond mines, owns Namaqualand Mines (completion of sale pending at close of 2011), and undertakes exploration on land and off the Atlantic coastline. DBCM produced 5.44 million carats in 2011 (2010: 7.56 million carats). The sale of Finsch Mine, high rainfall, a skills shortage in South Africa, slope stability at Voorspoed, and the unavailability of earthmoving equipment at both Voorspoed and Venetia, together with 14 days of industrial action, all contributed to the drop in production in 2011.
Debswana is a 50/50 joint venture partnership between the Government of the Republic of Botswana and De Beers. Debswana operates the Orapa, Letlhakane, Jwaneng and Damtshaa diamond mines, and the Morupule Coal Mine, the only operating coal mine in Botswana. Debswana produced 22.9 million carats in 2011, an increase of 0.7 million carats (2010: 22.2 million carats). Production was, however, hampered due to a number of factors, including a maintenance backlog at Jwaneng Mine incurred during the global recession in 2008.
Namdeb Holdings (Pty) Limited is a 50/50 joint venture partnership between the Government of the Republic of Namibia and De Beers. Namdeb Holdings’ core business is diamond exploration and mining along the south-western coast and inland areas of the
Karas Region. Overall production for the year 2011 nearly equalled 2010 output at 1.3 million carats (2010: 1.5 million) despite land-based production disruptions on a number of occasions, shutdown at all operations for a complete safety review following two fatalities, a breach of the seawall, and a month of industrial action which approximated three months of lost production.
The Diamond Trading Company (DTC) is De Beers’ rough diamond distribution arm and the world’s largest supplier of rough diamonds, by value. With activities in sorting, valuing, sales and diamond beneficiation, the DTC has operations in the UK and South Africa, and 50/50 joint venture operations in Botswana and Namibia with those respective governments. 2011 was a successful year, with the DTC recording its second highest annual rough diamond sales figure ever of US$6.47 billion, despite a volatile and fragile macroeconomic environment.
Diamdel is a global market leader in negotiating spot sales and the pricing of rough diamonds. Competitive sales negotiations involve small, medium and large scale manufacturing, retailing and trading business buyers from around the world, and are conducted using an innovative online auctioning capability. The business is wholly
owned by De Beers with offices in Antwerp, Tel Aviv, Hong Kong and Dubai. In 2011, Diamdel delivered record profits for shareholders. Sales grew by 30 percent to US$405 million – the highest since 2006.
De Beers Société anonyme (the Company, or De Beers) was formally incorporated
in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg in November 2000. It is the holding company of all De Beers Group operations. The Company is managed and controlled from its head office in Luxembourg where the board meets to attend to the business of the Group. As of 31 December 2011, the De Beers board consisted of 13 directors, rising to 14 on 8 February 2012.
Baron David de Rothschild
Five directors on the board serve in an executive capacity and are members of the Executive Committee. Each shareholder group is entitled to nominate two persons for appointment to the board. Accordingly, six directors, four of whom are non-executives and two executives (the Chairman, Nicky Oppenheimer, and Jonathan Oppenheimer) are currently appointed under the relevant clauses of the Shareholders’ Agreement. Baron David de Rothschild was appointed to the board on 5 April 2006, he is Group Chairman
of Rothschilds. He is also a director of Casino, Compagnie Financière Martin Maurel, La Compagnie Financière Saint-Honoré and President of the Fondation pour la Mémoire de la Shoah.
Lucinda Saunders argues that De Beers should be held accountable for trading in conflict or blood diamonds. She notes that experts claim political ideologies do not motivate insurgent groups. Instead, they argue that control of diamond production is a root cause behind the war in Sierra Leone. The consensus is insurgents would not have the money to buy arms and commit human rights abuses without the willingness of diamond buyers to trade with them.
Observers note that the conflict diamond trade occurs in regions where diamonds are mined by insurgent groups and then sold for arms or cash. Conflict or blood diamonds are diamonds mined or stolen by insurgent forces in opposition to the legitimate government. Commentators speculate that the conflict diamond trade comprises between four and fifteen percent of the world trade in diamonds. Presently, conflict diamonds come from Angola, Sierra Leone, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The civil wars in Angola and Sierra Leone are examples of insurgent movements using diamonds to finance wars against official governments.
Corporate actors facilitate the conflict diamond trade by buying illicit diamonds directly or indirectly from insurgent groups. De Beers's control of the diamond trade makes its involvement with conflict diamonds particularly relevant. De Beers has set the price of diamonds for the entire diamond industry by acquiring the majority of diamonds before they reach the market. Although De Beers no longer operates any buying activities in Angola or Sierra Leone, it is claimed that the organization acquires diamonds from these areas by buying from outside dealers.
De Beers is a corporation controlled by the Oppenheimer family. De Beers controls about sixty percent of the world's uncut diamond sales. De Beers' involvement with diamonds from Angola and Sierra Leone reflects their old policy of acquiring the majority of diamonds produced world-wide in an effort to keep the diamond supply steady and diamond prices stable. De Beers bought diamonds from Angola in the 1990s when UNITA occupied most diamond mines in the country, in addition, it acquired diamonds from Sierra Leone through outside dealers thereby providing funds to
combatants, who perpetuated strife in the region. The United Nations also reports that De Beers was involved in the Angolan conflict diamond trade.
Matloff claims De Beers bought between US$500,000,000 and US$800,000,000 worth of diamonds from UNITA controlled mines between 1992 and 1993. It has also been stated that De Beers spent US$40,000,000 per month in efforts to buy up UNITA diamonds. These guys fed and sustained wars, and Lucinda Saunders insists they should be held liable under the ATCA.
Lucinda Saunders quite rightly concludes "The trade in conflict diamonds can be stopped, and could have been stopped years ago if De Beers had decided that human life was more important than profits. The threat of litigation would have made De Beers contemplate the results before engaging in this trade. Amending the ATCA and adopting more comprehensive legislation will make this threat a real possibility, thereby forcing multinational corporations to carefully consider the lives at stake in their business choices."
Resources: Anglo American Plc, FORDHAM INTERNATIONAL LAW JOURNAL, SADC: Research
Corporate Social Responsibility in the Diamond Mining
Industry in Botswana
Sunday, January 13, 2013
Why The West Is Killing And Plundering In Africa; (Part One) The Randgold Resources
Randgold Resources Limited was incorporated under the laws of Jersey, Channel Islands in August 1995, to engage in the exploration and development of gold deposits in Sub-Saharan Africa. Their principal executive offices are located at 3rd Floor Unity Chambers, 28 Halkett Street, St. Helier, Jersey, JE2 4WJ Channel Islands. Their agent in the United States is CT Corporation System, 111 Eighth Avenue, New York, New York 10011.
Randgold discovered the Morila deposit during December 1996 and subsequently financed, built and commissioned the Morila mine. During July 2000, they concluded the sale of 50% of their interest in Morila Limited (and also a shareholder loan made by them to Morila Limited) to AngloGold Ashanti for $132 million in cash. They have an 80% controlling interest in Société des Mines de Loulo SA, or Somilo, through a series of transactions culminating in April 2001. The Loulo mine commenced operations in October 2005 and mines the Gara (formerly Loulo) and Yalea deposits. They discovered the Yalea deposit in 1997 and have an 89% controlling interest in Société des Mines de Tongon SA, or Tongon.
In February 2004, they announced they would develop a new mine at Loulo in western Mali. Construction continued through 2005 and the new open pit mine went into production in October 2005. In addition, their board agreed to proceed with the development of the underground mine and, after the award of the development contract, work commenced with the construction of the boxcut at the Yalea mine in August 2006.
They accessed first ore at Yalea in April 2008 with full production beginning in 2010. They commenced development of Loulo’s second underground mine, Gara, in 2010 with first ore scheduled to be delivered to the plant by the second quarter of 2011.
In April 2004, Resolute Mining Limited, or Resolute, acquired the Syama mine from Randgold. Resolute has subsequently paid them $6 million in cash and assumed liabilities of $7 million, of which $4 million owing to Randgold has been settled. The agreement entered into in June 2004 between the parties provides for the payment of a production royalty by Resolute to Randgold, relating to Syama’s production, equal to $10 per ounce on the first million ounces produced by Syama and $5 per ounce on the next three million ounces produced by Syama. This royalty payment is capped at $25 million. Randgold received their first royalties in 2009.
On November 1, 2005, Randgold completed a public offering of 8,125,000 of their ordinary shares, including ADSs (American Depositary Shares), resulting in gross proceeds to them of $109.7 million. The new shares were allocated to institutional shareholders in the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada ad others.
On December 6, 2007, Randgold completed a public offering of 6,821,000 of their ordinary shares, including ADSs, resulting in gross proceeds to them of $240 million. A portion of the proceeds from the offering were used for the development of the Tongon project, and all remaining proceeds used for such organic and corporate opportunities, including possible acquisitions, as might arise.
During 2007, peace initiatives in Côte d’Ivoire continued and Randgold completed a feasibility study which allowed their board to approve the development of the new mine at Tongon subject to the approval of the mining convention by the Côte d’Ivoire Minister of Mines and Energy. Construction of the mine started at the end of 2008 and its first gold was produced in November 2010.
On August 4, 2009, Randgold completed a public offering of 5,750,000 of their ordinary shares, including ADSs, resulting in gross proceeds to them of $341.8 million. The proceeds from the offering are being used to fund the feasibility studies for the Gounkoto and Massawa projects, to develop the Gounkoto, Massawa and Kibali projects, and for other organic and corporate opportunities, including possible acquisitions.
On October 15, 2009, Randgold completed the acquisition of 50% of Moto Goldmines Limited (“Moto Goldmines”), in conjunction with AngloGold Ashanti, which resulted in a 50:50 joint venture control of the Kibali project in the DRC. On December 22, 2009 they completed a further acquisition of a 20% interest, on behalf of the joint venture, from Société des Mines d’Or de Kilo-Moto (“Sokimo”), the parastatal
mining company of the DRC, resulting in an effective interest in the Kibali project of 45%.
During 2010, Randgold completed the feasibility study for the Gounkoto project. The feasibility study is based on a toll treat project whereby the ore is mined and fed through an onsite fixed crusher. The crushed ore is then loaded onto dedicated haul trucks and trucked approximately 25 kilometers to Loulo and fed directly into the Loulo plant. Mining at Gounkoto commenced in January 2011 and processing was anticipated to commence by mid-year 2011.
During November 2009, Randgold completed the sale of their Kiaka gold project to Volta Resources Inc., for $2 million in cash and 20 million Volta Resources Inc. shares. During 2010, they sold 15.5 million Volta Resources Inc. shares for a net profit of $19.3 million. Randgold Resources is reputed to be the most active explorer of gold in sub-Saharan Africa.
“On December 20, 2012, a vaccination tragedy hit the small village of Gouro, located in northern Chad, Africa.
According to the newspaper La Voix, out of five hundred children who received the new meningitis vaccine MenAfriVac, at least 40 of them between the ages of 7 and 18 have become paralyzed.
Those children also suffered hallucinations and convulsions. Since this report, the true extent of this tragedy is coming to light, as parents of these vaccinated children have reported yet more injuries.
The authorities in the area are shaken, as citizens set fire to a sanitary administration vehicle in a demonstration of their frustration and anger at the government’s negligence.”
This is just the most recent situation where the vaccine programs in Africa have been exposed as dangerous and counter productive.
It is also evident that this is a part of a greater eugenics effort which is specifically targeted at developing countries. Most often it is shown that these vaccines are filled with toxic chemicals that have sterilizing effects.
Various tax exempt foundations waste billions of dollars every year on untested vaccinations, genetically modified food projects, and birth control, instead of spending that money on improving water systems and infrastructure.
If a child gets vaccinated and is still forced to survive on contaminated water every day, they really aren’t much better off at all, even if the vaccines were safe, which they are not.
Sterilizing vaccinations are not just hearsay. In fact, in 1995, UNICEF’s anti-tetanus vaccinations were contaminated with B-hCG, a pregnancy hormone that can permanently sterilize women.
The cost of improving basic public services would actually be much less than the vaccination projects and would greatly improve health, but it wouldn’t reduce the population, so that option is not considered.
Today most eugenics projects are filtered through tax exempt foundations and international organizations like the United Nations, Club Of Rome, Rockefeller Foundation, Ford Foundation, and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation just to name a few.
Interestingly enough, this new vaccine also has ties to the Gates foundation. The article sourced earlier also mentioned that:
MenAfriVac is a new vaccine manufactured by Serum Institute of India Limited. According to The Meningitis Vaccine Project (MVP), it is the first vaccine to gain approval to travel outside the cold chain, meaning that the vaccine can be transported without refrigeration or ice packs for up to four days:
“The meningitis A vaccine known as MenAfriVac®, created to meet the needs of Africa’s meningitis belt, can now be kept in a controlled temperature chain (CTC) at temperatures of up to 40°C for up to four days, a decision that could help increase campaign efficiency and coverage and save funds normally spent maintaining the challenging cold chain during the “last mile” of vaccine delivery.”
The data on the MenAfriVac vaccine is further backed by the World Health Organization’s website and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation website.
So, why does this information differ vastly from the information given on the manufacturer’s website? Serum Institute of India Ltd. stated under the section marked STORAGE:
“MenAfriVac should be stored and transported between 2-8ºC. Protect from light. The diluent should be stored at 25°C. It is recommended to protect the reconstituted vaccine from direct sunlight. Do not exceed the expiry date stated on the external packaging.”
Since this has occurred there has been no media attention whatsoever and the Gates Foundation, as well as the World Health Organization and other involved agencies, have been completely silent.
Easing into my 40s, I’m finally starting to understand the urgency of time, and the appeal of leaving a lasting legacy. What will I leave behind to my daughters, and my nieces and nephews? What can I do for my grandchildren before they’re even born, so that they have an opportunity for a life as blessed as mine has been? What is worth building, protecting, and passing on?
I, for one, cannot stand the thought of bowing my head for decades more, only to look back from the twilight of my life at my gathered children and grandchildren, knowing that I failed to act to protect their most precious liberty.
Then it struck me; do I love my children any less now, that I would not sacrifice all that I am for them at this moment, if that is what liberty demands?
Politicians in Illinois, New York, and Washington, DC are incapable of grasping the true meaning of that word, sacrifice.
To them, “sacrifice” is what someone else must give up in order for them to have their way. At best, “sacrifice” to them is having to delay their desires, of having to steal away what they would take from us in partial-measures, buried in massive bills that we have to pass to find out whats in them.
Word has come down in recent days that the President of the United States may attempt to gut the Second Amendment via an executive order, reclassifying popular self-loading firearms as Title II weapons the same as hand grenades, rocket launchers, and crew-served machine guns. In doing so, he would force you to register your firearms with the Federal government, pay a draconian tax for merely keeping what you already own, and shred your right to privacy, allowing the federal government into your home unannounced to “check up” on or confiscate your guns at any moment they see fit.
From NFA ’34, to GCA ’68, to FOPA ’86, and the ’94 Crime Bill, the federal government has chipped away at the rights of gun owners in the name of “public safety.” Tellingly, the safety they’ve sought to protect in each and every one of those laws has been their own, attempting to defang the people so that when the people finally realize they have been cornered by their would-be masters, they have nothing left with which to strike back in their own defense.
Not one step more. That is what I pledge to my children.
I will accept no executive orders that reclassifies the most common and popular sporting rifle in America into a de facto “machine gun” just because a narcissist son of a drunken communist claims it is his right to do so.
I will not accept a ban on any firearms, or magazines from a self-absorbed Congress or any other imagined superior.
I will not give up one more cartridge, one more inch, or one more right so that statists in either party can constrict our liberties yet again in the false claim of safety, a claim that only serves their desire for absolute power without consequence.
Captain John Parker was a veteran of the French and Indian War when he ordered his troops of the Lexington Militia—not Minutemen, mind you, but the normal regular militia—to muster on Lexington Green. Parker was dying of advanced tuberculosis; he’d be dead within six months. His orders to his men as he faced 700 approaching regulars with less than 70 men are recorded for posterity. “Stand your ground. Don’t fire unless fired upon, but if they mean to have a war, let it begin here.”
I can chart the path forward for no other man, but I will contest to their last breaths the desires of petty tyrants and their co-conspirators if they cross this red line that determines that the soap box, ballot box, and jury box have failed, and that the cartridge box is our last resort.
I will go to my death if this time comes to pass, orphaning and widowing those I hold most dear. For that I am truly regretful, just as I regret the lives I must attempt to cut short so that my children will breathe free. I know that in my sights will be another mother’s son or daughter, likely with children of their own. But they will have made their choice of whom to serve, and I have made mine.
There is no desire for bloodshed in my heart, but if they want a war, let it begin here.
